ArcaMax

Or it's "identity liberalism," as liberal Columbia University historian Mark Lilla proclaimed in a widely discussed post-election New York Times op-ed that declared "the end of identity liberalism."

Hillary Clinton was at her best, Lilla wrote, when she spoke about American interests in world affairs and our understanding of democracy. But back at home, he continued, she tended to lose that large vision and slip into the rhetoric of diversity, "calling out explicitly to African-American, Latino, LGBT and women voters at every stop."

Of course, once you mention some groups, those whom you don't mention will feel shortchanged and excluded, Lilla wrote, as did the two-thirds of white voters without college degrees and the 80 percent of white evangelicals who voted for Trump.

Indeed, Obama's experience in my view offers a valuable model of both liberal success and conservative backlash. His debut national speech at the 2004 Democratic National Convention was notable for its come-together themes, stressing our commonality as Americans amid our diversity.

Obama was often criticized by those in the farther left for preferring universalist programs like the Affordable Care Act over programs targeted to African-Americans. But his approach to campaigning and governing carried him to more victories than Clinton's did.

Of the nearly 700 counties that twice sent Obama to the White House, almost one-third flipped to support Trump, according to the Associated Press. Trump also won 194 of the 207 counties that voted for Obama in only one of the two previous elections. Of that group, Clinton won only 13.

We will hear endless reasons from various people for Clinton's loss. But I agree with Lilla that taking of too many groups for granted added to her well-known failures to "connect" with many voters who had voted for Obama.

Trump's ability to win more of the black, Hispanic and women's vote than many expected shows how neither party can rely on changing demographics to bring victories. Voters still want to be asked for their votes.

And identity politics turns up on both sides of the political fence. As one reader responded to Lilla, "Ask conservatives to abandon the identity politics of white Christians and then we'll talk."

Instead of getting hung up on identity politics, which suggests competition between identity groups, both parties need to move back toward coalition politics. Areas of disagreement need not block the way to common ground.

Identity politics is not dead. But both parties need to find healthier ways to practice it.

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(E-mail Clarence Page at cpage@tribune.com.)

(c) 2016 CLARENCE PAGE DISTRIBUTED BY TRIBUNE MEDIA SERVICES, INC.