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Trump goes on strike

E.J. Dionne Jr. on

WASHINGTON -- It's often said that when our founders wrote the Constitution, they had a leader like Donald Trump in mind when they included various safeguards for our liberties and against abuses of presidential power.

I think that gets it wrong. The founders could not have imagined a president like Trump.

They certainly never expected that a president would go on strike.

But that is what Trump did on Wednesday, throwing a tantrum at what was supposed to be a serious meeting with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer about a big infrastructure plan. Trump then barged out and told waiting reporters that unless the House stopped investigating him -- i.e., gave up on its responsibilities to hold him accountable -- Americans would just have to keep driving on crumbling roads, crossing shaky bridges and riding on inadequate public transit systems.

He took umbrage at Pelosi accusing him of a "cover-up" after a morning meeting with her Democratic caucus -- even though the speaker's comment was a logical response to Trump's sweeping efforts to block the House from hearing witnesses and receiving documents that it has a right to request. That Pelosi is encouraging her caucus to hold back on impeachment inquiries was apparently lost on him.

Trump's theatrics only hardened Pelosi's view. After Trump's stagey sulk, she told a gathering organized by the Center for American Progress: "The fact is, in plain sight in the public domain, this president is obstructing justice and he's engaged in a cover-up -- and that could be an impeachable offense." She also told the group that she was praying for him and for our country.

 

She might usefully add our constitutional system to her prayerful petitioning, because there is one other thing our founders certainly didn't have in mind: that extreme partisanship would so obliterate institutional patriotism that congressional Republicans would put the interests of a power-abusing president over the legitimate rights and prerogatives of the legislative branch of government. Democrats should not have to be fighting Trump's imperiousness on their own.

But that is how it is, which means that a growing number of angry and frustrated House members are arguing that their colleagues should move quickly to impeachment hearings because doing so might strengthen their legal hand in prying out information to which they are entitled.

Again, I doubt that when the founders wrote the impeachment power into the Constitution, they expected it might be the only recourse left against a chief executive who is guided solely by an obsession with self-protection.

For all the talk of Democrats being divided on impeachment, my reporting suggests something different and more complicated. Virtually all members of their caucus are infuriated with Trump's stonewalling and in search of stronger ways to push back against it. Large numbers see many of his actions -- and not just those described in the Mueller report -- as potentially impeachable, but they worry about what signal would be sent if the House impeached and the Senate acquitted.

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