Under the stewardship of Prince Mohammad bin Salman, then the new defense minister (he was appointed crown prince in 2017), Saudi Arabia assembled a coalition of nine countries in the region and Africa to oust the Houthis and reinstate the government of former Yemeni President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi.
It unleashed an intense air campaign, along with a crippling sea blockade that left perennially impoverished Yemen on the brink of famine. The UAE led the ground offensive with a force cobbled together from mercenaries, Sudanese janjaweed fighters and Yemeni militias who hated each other a bit less than they hated the Houthis. The U.S., meanwhile, provided intelligence and logistics support, including in-flight refueling; it also fast-tracked weapons deliveries to both Saudi Arabia and the UAE.
The intervention was meant to be over in a few months, but many analysts say the conflict has become a quagmire reminiscent of Vietnam. The Houthis still hold much of the country's western provinces, including Sana, and the highlands near the Saudi border as well as a portion of Yemen's Red Sea coast.
The human cost of the war has been devastating, with millions of people displaced and in need of assistance. Aid agencies and others say 24.1 million people out of a population of 28 million require some form of help, with about 10 million suffering from extreme hunger. Nearly 18 million people lack adequate access to water, and more than 19 million people lack proper access to health care, aid workers say.
The United Nations concluded in a February report that millions more Yemenis are "sicker, hungrier and more vulnerable than a year ago." Yemen suffered the world's largest cholera outbreak in 2017; more than a million cases were reported, said the World Health Organization.
Mounting casualties in the country became a cudgel for human rights campaigners. Even U.S. lawmakers, usually obsequious with their Saudi and Emirati allies, joined in the outcry, especially after the killing last year of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, which is widely viewed by international officials to have been commanded by the crown prince.
"I think that all of my colleagues can agree that the United States and Saudi Arabia need a course correction," said Sen. Robert Menendez, D-N.J., the top Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
The UAE's so-called strategic redeployment last month seemed an acknowledgment of the stalemate between the two sides.
The Saudi coalition had accused the Houthis of using the Red Sea port of Hudaydah to control aid flows and smuggle weapons, and had clamored to take it. But widespread international pressure proved strong; an offensive set for last year was canceled, and a cease-fire in Hudaydah became the centerpiece of U.N.-brokered peace talks held in December in Stockholm.
Emirati officials insisted in interviews that their drawdown was an extension of the Stockholm plan, despite its torturous implementation. Houthi forces began withdrawing from Hudaydah in May.
Saudi Arabia's air campaign has also been reduced in intensity from an average of 19 daily strikes in 2015 to nine in 2018, according to the Yemen Data Project, which compiles strike data on the war.
Joint U.S.-UAE counterterrorism operations will be unaffected, officials said. Both countries have deployed special forces teams in Yemen against al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, which the U.S. considers the terror group's most effective branch.
(Times staff writers Bulos reported from Beirut and Cloud from Washington.)
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